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2016年1月12號Obama國情咨文

2016年1月12號Obama國情咨文

2016年1月12號晚間,美國總統Obama在華盛頓發表了任上最後一次國情咨文,這也是他第八次進行國情咨文演講。

Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of Congress, my fellow Americans:

議長先生、副總統先生、各位國會議員和美國同胞們:

Tonight marks the eighth year I’ve come here to report on the State of the Union. And for this final one, I’m going to try to make it shorter. I know some of you are antsy to get back to Iowa.

今晚是我在這裡做國情咨文的第八個年頭,也是最後一次。我將儘量簡而言之。我知道你們中有些人急著回愛荷華州(兩黨黨內預選進行地)。

I also understand that because it’s an election season, expectations for what we’ll achieve this year are low. Still, Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the constructive approach you and the other leaders took at the end of last year to pass a budget and make tax cuts permanent for working families. So I hope we can work together this year on bipartisan priorities like criminal justice reform, and helping people who are battling prescription drug abuse. We just might surprise the cynics again.

我也理解此時正當大選之季,因此公眾對我們今年成就的期望並不高。但是,議長先生,您以及其他領導人去年年末通過了建設性的預算決議,使得工作家庭減稅計畫能夠長久實施下去,我對此深表感激。因此我衷心希望今年兩黨能夠在一些重要事務上同心協作,例如,推行刑事司法改革,幫助那些與處方藥濫用行為抗爭的人們。我們很可能會讓質疑者們再次大吃一驚。

But tonight, I want to go easy on the traditional list of proposals for the year ahead. Don’t worry, I’ve got plenty, from helping students learn to write computer code to personalizing medical treatments for patients. And I’ll keep pushing for progress on the work that still needs doing. Fixing a broken immigration system. Protecting our kids from gun violence. Equal pay for equal work, paid leave, raising the minimum wage. All these things still matter to hardworking families; they are still the right thing to do; and I will not let up until they get done.

但在今晚,我打算少談些像往年那樣的發展計畫。別擔心,我還是有很多計畫要談,例如,説明學生學習編寫電腦代碼,以及對病人進行個性化治療。我將繼續推動這些該做行政流程。完善有漏洞的移民體系。保護我們的孩子們免遭槍械暴力。繼續推行同工同酬及帶薪休假,並提高最低工資水準。所有的這一切對於努力工作的家庭們來說依然至關重要;這些仍是我們要做的對的事情。我絕不會放鬆這些工作,直至他們完成為止。

But for my final address to this chamber, I don’t want to talk just about the next year. I want to focus on the next five years, ten years, and beyond. I want to focus on our future.

但這是我最後一次在此發表講話,我不想只談論來年的事宜。我想關注今後的五年、十年,甚至更久遠的事情。我更關注我們的未來。

We live in a time of extraordinary change – change that’s reshaping the way we live, the way we work, our planet and our place in the world. It’s change that promises amazing medical breakthroughs, but also economic disruptions that strain working families. It promises education for girls in the most remote villages, but also connects terrorists plotting an ocean away. It’s change that can broaden opportunity, or widen inequality. And whether we like it or not, the pace of this change will only accelerate.

我們生活在一個充滿巨變的時代,這場變革改變了我們的生活、工作方式,改變了我們的星球和我們在世界上的地位。這種變革預示著醫學將出現重大突破,也會帶來困擾著勞工家庭的經濟動盪。它為生活在偏遠山區的女孩們帶來教育的希望,卻也使遠在海外的恐怖分子得以策畫一系列的陰謀。這場變革能夠帶來機遇,也會擴大不公。無論我們喜歡與否,這場變革的進度只會越來越快。

America has been through big changes before – wars and depression, the influx of immigrants, workers fighting for a fair deal, and movements to expand civil rights. Each time, there have been those who told us to fear the future; who claimed we could slam the brakes on change, promising to restore past glory if we just got some group or idea that was threatening America under control. And each time, we overcame those fears. We did not, in the words of Lincoln, adhere to the “dogmas of the quiet past." Instead we thought anew, and acted anew. We made change work for us, always extending America’s promise outward, to the next frontier, to more and more people. And because we did – because we saw opportunity where others saw only peril – we emerged stronger and better than before.

美國曾經歷過種種變革——戰爭、蕭條、移民湧入、工人運動,以及民權運動。每一次,總有人告訴我們要畏懼未來。每當美國受到某些組織或者言論威脅,將要失控,這些人就告訴我們要停止變革,並承諾恢復往日的輝煌。但每一次,我們都能夠克服恐懼。用林肯的話來說,我們並未遵循「平靜的過去時代的信條」。相反地,我們能夠用新的思維思考,以新的方式行事。我們巧妙地利用變化,始終將美國的潛力擴展至更廣闊的前沿,惠及更多的民眾。正因如此——因為他人眼中的風險在我們看來是機遇——我們變得比以前更強更好。

What was true then can be true now. Our unique strengths as a nation – our optimism and work ethic, our spirit of discovery and innovation, our diversity and commitment to the rule of law – these things give us everything we need to ensure prosperity and security for generations to come.

過去的真理,現在亦未曾改變。我們的樂觀主義與職業道德,我們的發現與創新精神,我們種族多樣化和法治信條,這些都是我們作為一個國家所擁有的獨一無二的優點,使我們具備了世代繁榮昌盛、國泰民安的一切條件。

In fact, it’s that spirit that made the progress of these past seven years possible. It’s how we recovered from the worst economic crisis in generations. It’s how we reformed our health care system, and reinvented our energy sector; how we delivered more care and benefits to our troops and veterans, and how we secured the freedom in every state to marry the person we love.

事實上,正因有了這種精神力量,我們過去七年才可能取得進步。它使我們得以從幾代以來最嚴重的經濟危機中恢復;是我們改革醫療體系、改造能源部門的動力;保證了我們給予軍人和老兵更多關心和福利。也正因為此,我們能夠讓每個州的人都獲得了與所愛的人結婚的自由。

But such progress is not inevitable. It is the result of choices we make together. And we face such choices right now. Will we respond to the changes of our time with fear, turning inward as a nation, and turning against each other as a people? Or will we face the future with confidence in who we are, what we stand for, and the incredible things we can do together?

但是,這些進步並不是註定會發生的,而是我們共同選擇的結果。我們當下正面臨著這樣的選擇。面對時代的變化,我們是將以恐懼對之,閉門造車,各自為戰?還是自我肯定,堅持立場,相信我們能共創奇跡?

So let’s talk about the future, and four big questions that we as a country have to answer – regardless of who the next President is, or who controls the next Congress.

讓我們先來談談未來,以及美國需要回答的四個大問題——無論下一屆美國總統是誰,無論哪個黨派掌控國會。

First, how do we give everyone a fair shot at opportunity and security in this new economy?

首先,我們如何在新經濟中給每個人公平的機會和保障?

Second, how do we make technology work for us, and not against us – especially when it comes to solving urgent challenges like climate change?

第二,我們如何讓技術為我們服務,而不是與我們對抗——尤其是面臨氣候變化這樣急需應對的挑戰的時候?

Third, how do we keep America safe and lead the world without becoming its policeman?

第三,我們如何保障美國的安全,同時,在不充當世界警察的前提下,引領整個世界?

And finally, how can we make our politics reflect what’s best in us, and not what’s worst?

最後,我們如何制定政策,使其反映出美國的好,而不是美國的惡?

Let me start with the economy, and a basic fact: the United States of America, right now, has the strongest, most durable economy in the world. We’re in the middle of the longest streak of private-sector job creation in history. More than 14 million new jobs; the strongest two years of job growth since the ’90s; an unemployment rate cut in half. Our auto industry just had its best year ever. Manufacturing has created nearly 900,000 new jobs in the past six years. And we’ve done all this while cutting our deficits by almost three-quarters.

我先說說經濟,基本的事實是這樣的:現在,在全球範圍內,美國經濟是最為強大且堅固的。縱觀歷史,我們現在處於民間部門連續創造就業機會最長的一段時期中。我們創造了逾1400萬個新的就業職缺;這是自1990年代以來就業成長最為強勁的兩年;失業率下降了一半。汽車行業也創造了最輝煌的一年。在過去的六年裡,製造業創造了將近90萬個新的就業職缺。而且,我們在取得這些成績的同時,還將政府赤字減少了近四分之三.

Anyone claiming that America’s economy is in decline is peddling fiction. What is true – and the reason that a lot of Americans feel anxious – is that the economy has been changing in profound ways, changes that started long before the Great Recession hit and haven’t let up. Today, technology doesn’t just replace jobs on the assembly line, but any job where work can be automated. Companies in a global economy can locate anywhere, and face tougher competition. As a result, workers have less leverage for a raise. Companies have less loyalty to their communities. And more and more wealth and income is concentrated at the very top.

任何聲稱美國經濟正在衰落的說法都是在傳播虛構事實。實際情況——同時也是許多美國人感到焦慮的原因——是美國經濟正在經歷巨大變革,而且這變革早在大蕭條發生之前就已經開始,到現在還沒有結束。今天,能夠被高科技取代的工作職缺並不僅限於生產線,還包括任何可以實現自動化的職缺。在經濟全球化中,公司可以做落於世界任何地方,也會面臨更加激烈的競爭。其結果是,雇員要求加薪的籌碼變少。公司對其所在群體的忠誠度更低。同時,越來越多的財富和收入集中到社會富裕階級手中。

All these trends have squeezed workers, even when they have jobs; even when the economy is growing. It’s made it harder for a hardworking family to pull itself out of poverty, harder for young people to start on their careers, and tougher for workers to retire when they want to. And although none of these trends are unique to America, they do offend our uniquely American belief that everybody who works hard should get a fair shot.

這些變化趨勢擠壓了勞工的生存空間,即使他們擁有工作,即使美國經濟一直在成長。勞工家庭想要通過努力工作,擺脫貧困,年輕人想要開創自己的事業,雇員想要適時退休,都已經不太容易。雖然面臨這些變革的不只有美國,但是這些的確違背了獨有的美國式信念,那就是,任何努力工作的人都應當得到公平待遇。

For the past seven years, our goal has been a growing economy that works better for everybody. We’ve made progress. But we need to make more. And despite all the political arguments we’ve had these past few years, there are some areas where Americans broadly agree.

在過去的七年中,我們的目標一直都是,保持經濟成長,以造福每一個人。我們已經取得了一些進步。但是,我們需要繼續努力。儘管在過去的一些年中,我們有過許多政治上的爭論,但是在一些領域,我們取得了普遍的共識。

We agree that real opportunity requires every American to get the education and training they need to land a good-paying job. The bipartisan reform of No Child Left Behind was an important start, and together, we’ve increased early childhood education, lifted high school graduation rates to new highs, and boosted graduates in fields like engineering. In the coming years, we should build on that progress, by providing Pre-K for all, offering every student the hands-on computer science and math classes that make them job-ready on day one, and we should recruit and support more great teachers for our kids.

我們一致認為,真正的機會在於每一個美國人都能獲得能夠必要的教育及培訓,讓他們能夠勝任一份收入理想的工作。「不讓一個孩子掉隊」的兩黨改革政策,就是一個重要的開端,同時,我們加強了兒童早期教育,進一步提高了高中畢業率,使工程學等專業畢業生得以成長。未來,我們要以這些成績為基礎,通過普及全民提前教育,讓所有學生都接受電腦實踐和數學課程培訓,為他們將來步入職場做好準備。同時,我們要為孩子們招募更多優秀的教師,並給予這些教師更好的待遇。

And we have to make college affordable for every American. Because no hardworking student should be stuck in the red. We’ve already reduced student loan payments to ten percent of a borrower’s income. Now, we’ve actually got to cut the cost of college. Providing two years of community college at no cost for every responsible student is one of the best ways to do that, and I’m going to keep fighting to get that started this year.

同時,我們要讓每個美國人都能上得起大學。因為,勤奮的學生不應該因為貧困被擋在校門之外。我們已經將助學貸款的還款額降至借款人收入的10%。接下來,我們需要降低大學費用。兩年制的社區大學將為每一位有責任感的學生提供免費教育,這是降低大學費用最理想的方式之一。我會不斷努力讓這個方案在今年啟動。

Of course, a great education isn’t all we need in this new economy. We also need benefits and protections that provide a basic measure of security. After all, it’s not much of a stretch to say that some of the only people in America who are going to work the same job, in the same place, with a health and retirement package, for 30 years, are sitting in this chamber. For everyone else, especially folks in their forties and fifties, saving for retirement or bouncing back from job loss has gotten a lot tougher. Americans understand that at some point in their careers, they may have to retool and retrain. But they shouldn’t lose what they’ve already worked so hard to build.

當然,在新經濟中,我們所需要的不僅僅是優質的教育。我們還需要能夠提供基本生活保障的福利和保護措施。如果說在座的各位,是美國為數不多的能夠在同一個地方,從事同一份工作30年,還能獲得健康和養老保障的人,也不算誇張。而對於其他人,特別是四五十歲的美國人來說,為退休後的生存點錢或是在失業後重振旗鼓,已經越來越困難。大家都認識到,在他們職業生涯的某個時刻,他們不得不重新接受培訓,重新學習技能。但是,他們不應當失去他們這麼多年辛勤工作所獲得的東西。

That’s why Social Security and Medicare are more important than ever; we shouldn’t weaken them, we should strengthen them. And for Americans short of retirement, basic benefits should be just as mobile as everything else is today. That’s what the Affordable Care Act is all about. It’s about filling the gaps in employer-based care so that when we lose a job, or go back to school, or start that new business, we’ll still have coverage. Nearly eighteen million have gained coverage so far. Health care inflation has slowed. And our businesses have created jobs every single month since it became law.

這也是社會保障及醫療保險制度在今天尤為重要的原因;它們不該被弱化,而是應該進一步加強。對於退休年齡較晚的美國人,基本福利應與當今的其他事物一樣盡可能移動化。這就是《平價醫療法案》的意義所在,這個法案旨在填補基於雇主的醫療保險系統的空缺,我們失業、返校求學或創業時,依然能享受醫療保障。目前為止,已有近1800萬人受益。醫療費用通貨膨脹也有所緩解。自法案實施起,我們的企業每個月都能創造新的工作職缺。

Now, I’m guessing we won’t agree on health care anytime soon. But there should be other ways both parties can improve economic security. Say a hardworking American loses his job – we shouldn’t just make sure he can get unemployment insurance; we should make sure that program encourages him to retrain for a business that’s ready to hire him. If that new job doesn’t pay as much, there should be a system of wage insurance in place so that he can still pay his bills. And even if he’s going from job to job, he should still be able to save for retirement and take his savings with him. That’s the way we make the new economy work better for everyone.

我想我們在短期內還無法就醫療保險制度達成共識。但兩黨可以在改進經濟保障制度的問題上採取一些新的措施。假設一位辛勤工作的美國人丟了工作,我們不該僅僅確保他能獲得失業保險,而應確保這個制度能夠支持他接受再培訓以勝任新的工作。如果這份新工作的報酬不如上一份工作,那麼就該有薪酬保障制度保證他能養活自己。即使他一直在換工作,也還能為退休儲蓄並能支配自己的積蓄。這就是我們讓大家更好地受益於新經濟的方式。

I also know Speaker Ryan has talked about his interest in tackling poverty. America is about giving everybody willing to work a hand up, and I’d welcome a serious discussion about strategies we can all support, like expanding tax cuts for low-income workers without kids.

我知道國會眾議院發言人Paul Ryan提到過他對解決貧困問題的看法。美國是一個會給每個願意工作的人機會的國家,我歡迎大家提出可行性戰略,例如為無子女的低收入族群減稅的方案。

But there are other areas where it’s been more difficult to find agreement over the last seven years – namely what role the government should play in making sure the system’s not rigged in favor of the wealthiest and biggest corporations. And here, the American people have a choice to make.

但在過去七年裡還有其他難以達成一致的領域,例如,政府應該扮演怎樣的角色,才能保證制度不向最富有的財團和大公司傾斜。在此,美國人民需要做出選擇。

I believe a thriving private sector is the lifeblood of our economy. I think there are outdated regulations that need to be changed, and there’s red tape that needs to be cut. But after years of record corporate profits, working families won’t get more opportunity or bigger paychecks by letting big banks or big oil or hedge funds make their own rules at the expense of everyone else; or by allowing attacks on collective bargaining to go unanswered. Food Stamp recipients didn’t cause the financial crisis; recklessness on Wall Street did. Immigrants aren’t the reason wages haven’t gone up enough; those decisions are made in the boardrooms that too often put quarterly earnings over long-term returns. It’s sure not the average family watching tonight that avoids paying taxes through offshore accounts. In this new economy, workers and start-ups and small businesses need more of a voice, not less. The rules should work for them. And this year I plan to lift up the many businesses who’ve figured out that doing right by their workers ends up being good for their shareholders, their customers, and their communities, so that we can spread those best practices across America.

蓬勃發展的民間經濟是我們國家經濟的命脈。我認為,其有些過時的規則需要改變,有些繁文縟節需要摒棄。在企業連續多年利潤破紀錄之後,如果讓大銀行、石油巨頭或對沖基金制定只對自己有利的規則,或者允許對集體談判的攻擊置之不理,勞工階層就無法獲得更多機會和更多薪水。引發經濟危機的不是那些領食物券的人,而是華爾街那些魯莽行事的人。移民人口不是阻礙薪酬上漲的原因;那些決議是由董事會的人提出的,他們經常將季度分紅看得比長期回報還重。可以肯定的是,正在看我演講的普通家庭不會通過離岸帳戶避稅。在新經濟的形勢下,工人、新興企業和小型企業需要更多發言權。規則應該使他們受益。今年,我計畫激勵那些善待工人的企業,這些企業明白只有善待工人才能讓股東、顧客和所在群體最終受益,這樣我們才能在全美推行這種良策。

In fact, many of our best corporate citizens are also our most creative. This brings me to the second big question we have to answer as a country: how do we reignite that spirit of innovation to meet our biggest challenges?

事實上,我們有許多優秀的企業公民都是極富創造力的。這也是美國要回答的第二個大問題:如何重燃創新精神,迎接重大挑戰?

Sixty years ago, when the Russians beat us into space, we didn’t deny Sputnik was up there. We didn’t argue about the science, or shrink our research and development budget. We built a space program almost overnight, and twelve years later, we were walking on the moon.

60年前,俄羅斯人發射人造衛星,在太空領域領先於我們,這點我們並未否認。我們沒有就科學水準進行爭論,或縮減我們的研發預算。我們在很短的時間內制定了太空計畫,12年後,我們已經能在月球上行走。

That spirit of discovery is in our DNA. We’re Thomas Edison and the Wright Brothers and George Washington Carver. We’re Grace Hopper and Katherine Johnson and Sally Ride. We’re every immigrant and entrepreneur from Boston to Austin to Silicon Valley racing to shape a better world. And over the past seven years, we’ve nurtured that spirit.

探索精神存在於我們的基因裡。我們是Thomas Edison、Wright Brothers、George Washington Carver。我們是Grace Hopper、Katherine Johnson、Sally Ride。我們是從Boston到Austin,再到矽谷的移民和企業家,我們力求建設更美好的世界。過去七年裡,我們一直在培養這種精神。

We’ve protected an open internet, and taken bold new steps to get more students and low-income Americans online. We’ve launched next-generation manufacturing hubs, and online tools that give an entrepreneur everything he or she needs to start a business in a single day.

我們保護了開放的網路,我們邁出了大膽的一大步,讓更多學生和低收入者加入網路這個大家庭。我們已經開始建設新一代製造業中心,我們的網路工具讓企業家在一天內就能獲得創立一個企業所需的一切。

But we can do so much more. Last year, Vice President Biden said that with a new moonshot, America can cure cancer. Last month, he worked with this Congress to give scientists at the National Institutes of Health the strongest resources they’ve had in over a decade. Tonight, I’m announcing a new national effort to get it done. And because he’s gone to the mat for all of us, on so many issues over the past forty years, I’m putting Joe in charge of Mission Control. For the loved ones we’ve all lost, for the family we can still save, let’s make America the country that cures cancer once and for all.

但是,我們能做的還不止這些。去年,副總統Biden曾說,要把治癒癌症作為一項新的登月計畫去實現。上個月,他與國會通力合作,為國立衛生研究院的科學家們提供了大量資源,這是10多年來科學家們獲得的最強有力的資源支持。今晚我宣佈,我們將舉全國之力促成這項新計畫。在過去的40年裡,Joe為我們在眾多問題上竭盡心力,因此,我任命他主管這一抗癌計畫。為了我們已逝去的親人,為了我們還能拯救的家庭,我們應該攜手,讓美國成為一個徹底攻克癌症的國家。

Medical research is critical. We need the same level of commitment when it comes to developing clean energy sources.

醫學研究是重中之重。在發展清潔能源的問題上,我們同樣需要全力以赴。

Look, if anybody still wants to dispute the science around climate change, have at it. You’ll be pretty lonely, because you’ll be debating our military, most of America’s business leaders, the majority of the American people, almost the entire scientific community, and 200 nations around the world who agree it’s a problem and intend to solve it.

如果你還要質疑我們針對氣候變化進行的科學研究,你可以試試。你會發現自己孤立無援,因為站在你對面的是我們的軍方、絕大多數美國商業領袖、大多數美國民眾、幾乎整個科學界,以及全世界200個國家,這些國家都意識到了問題的嚴重性,想要著手解決它。

But even if the planet wasn’t at stake; even if 2014 wasn’t the warmest year on record – until 2015 turned out even hotter – why would we want to pass up the chance for American businesses to produce and sell the energy of the future?

就算我們的星球還沒到岌岌可危的地步,2014年也並非史上最熱的一年(因為2015年更熱),我們為什麼要放棄讓美國企業生產並銷售未來能源的大好機會呢?

Seven years ago, we made the single biggest investment in clean energy in our history. Here are the results. In fields from Iowa to Texas, wind power is now cheaper than dirtier, conventional power. On rooftops from Arizona to New York, solar is saving Americans tens of millions of dollars a year on their energy bills, and employs more Americans than coal – in jobs that pay better than average. We’re taking steps to give homeowners the freedom to generate and store their own energy – something environmentalists and Tea Partiers have teamed up to support. Meanwhile, we’ve cut our imports of foreign oil by nearly sixty percent, and cut carbon pollution more than any other country on Earth.

七年前,我們在清潔能源領域進行了美國歷史上最大規模的一次投資。成果如下:從愛荷華州到德克薩斯州,現在風能比污染環境的傳統能源價格低廉。從亞利桑那州到紐約州,每年太陽能為美國民眾減少了上千萬美元的能源支出,同時創造了多於煤炭行業的就業機會,並且這些就業的收入高於平均水準。我們正在逐步採取措施,讓每家每戶都可以生產並儲存自己的能源——環保主義者和茶黨人士正為此事通力合作,為家庭自產能源提供支援。同時,我們的石油進口量下降了近60%,減少的碳排放量居全球第一。

Gas under two bucks a gallon ain’t bad, either.

1加侖2美元的油價也不算貴。

Now we’ve got to accelerate the transition away from dirty energy. Rather than subsidize the past, we should invest in the future – especially in communities that rely on fossil fuels. That’s why I’m going to push to change the way we manage our oil and coal resources, so that they better reflect the costs they impose on taxpayers and our planet. That way, we put money back into those communities and put tens of thousands of Americans to work building a 21st century transportation system.

現在我們不得不加速實現從污染能源向清潔能源的過渡。我們不應該補貼過去,而是應該投資未來——尤其是在依賴化石燃料的社區。這就是我為什麼要敦促改變石油和煤炭資源管理方式的原因,只有這樣才能更好地反映納稅人為此支付的稅款以及地球為此付出的代價。通過這種方式,我們把錢重新投入到這些社區,讓成千上萬的美國人一起構建21世紀的交通運輸系統。

None of this will happen overnight, and yes, there are plenty of entrenched interests who want to protect the status quo. But the jobs we’ll create, the money we’ll save, and the planet we’ll preserve – that’s the kind of future our kids and grandkids deserve.

所有這一切都不是一蹴而就的。誠然,還有許多既得利益者想要維持現狀。但是,改變現狀能讓我們創造新的就業,節省更多資金,我們的星球也得到了保護——這種未來才是我們應該留給後代子孫的。

Climate change is just one of many issues where our security is linked to the rest of the world. And that’s why the third big question we have to answer is how to keep America safe and strong without either isolating ourselves or trying to nation-build everywhere there’s a problem.

在眾多問題上,我們的安全與世界緊密相關,氣候變化只是其一。因此,我們需要回答的第三個大問題是:怎樣在不被孤立、不充當世界警察的情況下,保持美國的安全和強大?

I told you earlier all the talk of America’s economic decline is political hot air. Well, so is all the rhetoric you hear about our enemies getting stronger and America getting weaker. The United States of America is the most powerful nation on Earth. Period. It’s not even close. We spend more on our military than the next eight nations combined. Our troops are the finest fighting force in the history of the world. No nation dares to attack us or our allies because they know that’s the path to ruin. Surveys show our standing around the world is higher than when I was elected to this office, and when it comes to every important international issue, people of the world do not look to Beijing or Moscow to lead – they call us.

剛才我說了,所有認為美國經濟衰退的言論都是政治性的大話。所有你聽到的關於美國的敵人越來越強大、而美國卻越發虛弱的言論,都是逞口舌之能。美利堅合眾國是世界上最強大的國家。無需其他任何廢話。而且我們還會一直強大下去。我們的軍事消費比排在我們後面的八個國家的總和還多。我們的部隊是世界歷史上最精銳的戰鬥力量。沒有任何國家敢攻擊美國或者美國的盟國,因為他們知道那是自取滅亡。有調查顯示,目前美國的國際地位高於我當選總統之初。當重大國際問題出現時,世界人民不會指望中國或俄羅斯來領頭解決,他們會找我們。

As someone who begins every day with an intelligence briefing, I know this is a dangerous time. But that’s not because of diminished American strength or some looming superpower. In today’s world, we’re threatened less by evil empires and more by failing states. The Middle East is going through a transformation that will play out for a generation, rooted in conflicts that date back millennia. Economic headwinds blow from a Chinese economy in transition. Even as their economy contracts, Russia is pouring resources to prop up Ukraine and Syria – states they see slipping away from their orbit. And the international system we built after World War II is now struggling to keep pace with this new reality.

我每天的工作從聽取情報簡報開始,因此我知道現在是一個危險時期。但這並不是因為美國力量的削弱,或者某個超級大國的崛起。在當今世界,與其說邪惡獨裁國對我們構成威脅,不如說經濟衰退國對我們的影響更大。中東正在經歷一場將持續二三十年的大變革,其發生的根源可追溯至一千年前的衝突。中國經濟的轉型正在對我們產生衝擊。儘管面臨自身經濟衰退,俄羅斯依舊投入大量資源到烏克蘭和敘利亞——這兩個正脫離正常軌道的國家。二戰以後我們建立的國際體系如今難以適應新形勢的需要。

It’s up to us to help remake that system. And that means we have to set priorities.

我們有責任重建國際體系。而這意味著,我們必須對事務進行優先排序。

 

Priority number one is protecting the American people and going after terrorist networks. Both al Qaeda and now ISIL pose a direct threat to our people, because in today’s world, even a handful of terrorists who place no value on human life, including their own, can do a lot of damage. They use the Internet to poison the minds of individuals inside our country; they undermine our allies.

美國政府的首要任務是保護美國人民,打擊恐怖主義網路。基地組織和「伊斯蘭國」都直接威脅到美國人民的安全——在當今世界,哪怕只有一小撮無視他人和自己生命的恐怖分子,也會造成巨大危害。他們利用網路毒害美國境內人們的思想;他們破壞我們和盟友的關係。

But as we focus on destroying ISIL, over-the-top claims that this is World War III just play into their hands. Masses of fighters on the back of pickup trucks and twisted souls plotting in apartments or garages pose an enormous danger to civilians and must be stopped. But they do not threaten our national existence. That’s the story ISIL wants to tell; that’s the kind of propaganda they use to recruit. We don’t need to build them up to show that we’re serious, nor do we need to push away vital allies in this fight by echoing the lie that ISIL is representative of one of the world’s largest religions. We just need to call them what they are – killers and fanatics who have to be rooted out, hunted down, and destroyed.

但當我們集中精力消滅「伊斯蘭國」時,卻有人言過其實地說,這是第三次世界大戰。這種說法正中某些人下懷。許多武裝分子登上皮卡車,靈魂扭曲的人在公寓或車庫裡謀劃著生命著——這些都對平民構成巨大威脅,必須予以制止。但恐怖分子並沒有威脅到美國的「國家存在」。這就是「伊斯蘭國」想要透露出來的資訊;這是他們招募恐怖分子時的宣傳伎倆。我們不能先壯大他們,然後顯示我們可以來真的;也不能中了「伊斯蘭國代表世界最大宗教之一」的圈套,導致在這場鬥爭中重要盟友離我們遠去。我們要認清他們的真面目——他們就是殺手、瘋子,必須予以追蹤、緝捕並摧毀。

That’s exactly what we are doing. For more than a year, America has led a coalition of more than 60 countries to cut off ISIL’s financing, disrupt their plots, stop the flow of terrorist fighters, and stamp out their vicious ideology. With nearly 10,000 air strikes, we are taking out their leadership, their oil, their training camps, and their weapons. We are training, arming, and supporting forces who are steadily reclaiming territory in Iraq and Syria.

而這恰恰是我們正在做的事情。過去一年多,美國領導著60多個國家的聯盟,切斷「伊斯蘭國」的資金來源,發掘他們的陰謀詭計,阻止武裝分子的人員流動,消除他們邪惡意識形態的影響。我們發動了近萬次空襲,除掉他們的恐怖頭目,破壞他們的石油供給,搗毀他們的訓練營和武器。我們為正在逐步奪回伊拉克和敘利亞領土的武裝力量提供培訓、武器裝備和其他支援。

If this Congress is serious about winning this war, and wants to send a message to our troops and the world, you should finally authorize the use of military force against ISIL. Take a vote. But the American people should know that with or without Congressional action, ISIL will learn the same lessons as terrorists before them. If you doubt America’s commitment – or mine – to see that justice is done, ask Osama bin Laden. Ask the leader of al Qaeda in Yemen, who was taken out last year, or the perpetrator of the Benghazi attacks, who sits in a prison cell. When you come after Americans, we go after you. It may take time, but we have long memories, and our reach has no limit.

如果本屆國會真的希望贏得這場戰爭,同時向我們的軍隊和整個世界傳達反恐決心,你們就應該授權軍事力量介入對抗「伊斯蘭國」。可以投票表決。但美國人民應當知道,無論國會是否行動,伊斯蘭國也必將和以往的恐怖分子一樣,得到應有的懲罰。如果你們懷疑美國或是我個人伸張正義的決心,不妨問問Osama bin Laden。問問去年被擊斃的葉門基地組織頭目,或者已成階下囚的Benghazi事件主謀。如果你和美國過不去,美國絕不會放過你。這可能需要一些時間,但我們的記憶力很好,我們的打擊沒有時限。

Our foreign policy must be focused on the threat from ISIL and al Qaeda, but it can’t stop there. For even without ISIL, instability will continue for decades in many parts of the world – in the Middle East, in Afghanistan and Pakistan, in parts of Central America, Africa and Asia. Some of these places may become safe havens for new terrorist networks; others will fall victim to ethnic conflict, or famine, feeding the next wave of refugees. The world will look to us to help solve these problems, and our answer needs to be more than tough talk or calls to carpet bomb civilians. That may work as a TV sound bite, but it doesn’t pass muster on the world stage.

我們的外交政策焦點是「伊斯蘭國」和基地組織的威脅,但並不僅限於此。因為即使沒有「伊斯蘭國」,未來幾十年裡,全球許多地區(包括中東、阿富汗和巴基斯坦、中美洲部分地區、非洲和亞洲)仍將動盪不安。它們中的有些地方有可能變成新的恐怖主義溫床;有些則會深陷民族衝突或大饑荒,滋生新一輪難民潮。世界人民會指望我們去解決這些問題,我們的回應不能只是嘴上功夫:不斷使用強硬的措辭,做給平民們看。這種回應可能在電視新聞上起點作用,但世界人民感受不到切實的鼓舞。

We also can’t try to take over and rebuild every country that falls into crisis. That’s not leadership; that’s a recipe for quagmire, spilling American blood and treasure that ultimately weakens us. It’s the lesson of Vietnam, of Iraq – and we should have learned it by now.

我們也不能接管和重建每個陷入危機的國家。那不是領導力,那樣只會將我們拖入泥潭,白白浪費美國人民的熱血和財富,最終削弱我們自己。這是越戰和伊拉克戰給我們的教訓——我們早該銘記在心。

Fortunately, there’s a smarter approach, a patient and disciplined strategy that uses every element of our national power. It says America will always act, alone if necessary, to protect our people and our allies; but on issues of global concern, we will mobilize the world to work with us, and make sure other countries pull their own weight.

幸運的是,我們有更明智的辦法。這是一個耐心、克制的策略,能充分發揮國家的每一分力量。這個策略就是:美國一定會採取行動——必要時單獨行動——以保護我們的人民和盟友;但在全球共同關注的問題上,我們會動員全世界與我們一起行動,確保其他國家也盡到自己的職責。

That’s our approach to conflicts like Syria, where we’re partnering with local forces and leading international efforts to help that broken society pursue a lasting peace.

這就是我們應對敘利亞等衝突時採取的方法:我們與當地軍隊合作,領導所有國際力量,共同幫助這個千瘡百孔的社會實現長久和平。

That’s why we built a global coalition, with sanctions and principled diplomacy, to prevent a nuclear-armed Iran. As we speak, Iran has rolled back its nuclear program, shipped out its uranium stockpile, and the world has avoided another war.

這就是為什麼我們要建立全球聯盟,通過制裁和有原則的外交手段防止伊朗擁有核武器。現在,伊朗已放棄核項目,運出濃縮鈾儲備,世界避免了又一場戰爭的爆發。

That’s how we stopped the spread of Ebola in West Africa. Our military, our doctors, and our development workers set up the platform that allowed other countries to join us in stamping out that epidemic.

這也是我們在西非阻止Ebola病毒傳播時採取的方法。我們的軍隊、醫生和研究人員先搭好平臺,然後集結其他國家加入抗擊Ebola的戰役。

That’s how we forged a Trans-Pacific Partnership to open markets, protect workers and the environment, and advance American leadership in Asia. It cuts 18,000 taxes on products Made in America, and supports more good jobs. With TPP, China doesn’t set the rules in that region, we do. You want to show our strength in this century? Approve this agreement. Give us the tools to enforce it.

這還是我們建立跨太平洋夥伴關係協定(TPP)時採取的方法。該協定能打開市場、保護工人利益、保護環境,還能增強美國在亞洲的領導力。它將取消針對18000種美國製造商品徵收的關稅,創造更多優質就業機會。在TPP協定下,中國不再是當地貿易規則的制定者,我們才是。你們想要美國在本世紀展現它的強大國力?那麼就通過這一協議。給我們執行協議的工具。

Fifty years of isolating Cuba had failed to promote democracy, setting us back in Latin America. That’s why we restored diplomatic relations, opened the door to travel and commerce, and positioned ourselves to improve the lives of the Cuban people. You want to consolidate our leadership and credibility in the hemisphere? Recognize that the Cold War is over. Lift the embargo.

孤立古巴的50年未能推進這一地區的民主進程,反而削弱了我們在拉丁美洲的影響力。這就是為什麼我們要恢復與古巴的外交關係,開啟旅遊和經商之門,幫助改善古巴人民的生活。你們想要鞏固我們在南半球的領導力和可信度?那麼就承認冷戰已經結束,解除禁運吧。

American leadership in the 21st century is not a choice between ignoring the rest of the world – except when we kill terrorists; or occupying and rebuilding whatever society is unraveling. Leadership means a wise application of military power, and rallying the world behind causes that are right. It means seeing our foreign assistance as part of our national security, not charity. When we lead nearly 200 nations to the most ambitious agreement in history to fight climate change – that helps vulnerable countries, but it also protects our children. When we help Ukraine defend its democracy, or Colombia resolve a decades-long war, that strengthens the international order we depend upon. When we help African countries feed their people and care for the sick, that prevents the next pandemic from reaching our shores. Right now, we are on track to end the scourge of HIV/AIDS, and we have the capacity to accomplish the same thing with malaria – something I’ll be pushing this Congress to fund this year.

21世紀,美國體現領導力的方式並非只有下面兩個選擇:除了打擊恐怖主義,再不關心其他世界事務;抑或,佔領和重建每個正在土崩瓦解的社會。領導力意味著明智地運用武力,團結全世界的力量實現偉大目標。它意味著將海外援助視為國家安全的一部分,而非施捨。當我們領導近200個國家簽署史上最具雄心的氣候協定時,不僅説明了易受氣候變化影響的國家,也在造福我們的後代。我們協助烏克蘭捍衛民主,我們幫助哥倫比亞結束長達十年的戰爭——這同時也鞏固了我們賴以發展的國際秩序。當我們幫非洲國家解決饑荒、抗擊病疫時,我們也防止了下一場大規模疫情危及美國。目前,我們正努力消除愛滋病帶來的危害,我們也有能力消滅瘧疫——這也是今年我會督促本屆國會資助的項目。

That’s strength. That’s leadership. And that kind of leadership depends on the power of our example. That is why I will keep working to shut down the prison at Guantanamo: it’s expensive, it’s unnecessary, and it only serves as a recruitment brochure for our enemies.

這才是國力,這才是領導力。這種領導力需要美國做出表率。這就是為什麼我一直致力於關閉Guantanamo監獄:這一監獄耗資巨大,沒有必要,只會為我們的敵人繼續招兵買馬提供說辭。

That’s why we need to reject any politics that targets people because of race or religion. This isn’t a matter of political correctness. It’s a matter of understanding what makes us strong. The world respects us not just for our arsenal; it respects us for our diversity and our openness and the way we respect every faith. His Holiness, Pope Francis, told this body from the very spot I stand tonight that “to imitate the hatred and violence of tyrants and murderers is the best way to take their place." When politicians insult Muslims, when a mosque is vandalized, or a kid bullied, that doesn’t make us safer. That’s not telling it like it is. It’s just wrong. It diminishes us in the eyes of the world. It makes it harder to achieve our goals. And it betrays who we are as a country.

這就是我們不該在政治上以人種和宗教區分別人的原因。這不是政治正確性的問題,而是我們必須知道美國強大的原因。世界敬重我們並非因為我們武力強大,而是因為我們的種族多樣性,因為我們的包容和對每種信仰的尊重。教宗Pope Francis曾站在這個講臺上和在座的議員說過:「如果你像暴君和殺人犯一樣充滿仇恨和暴力,那你也會很快成為他們那樣的人。」有的政治家侮辱穆斯林,有人肆意破壞清真寺,有孩童受到欺辱……這些都不會讓我們的國家更安全。我們美國人不應該是這樣的人。這種做法大錯特錯。它貶低了我們在世界眼中的形象,讓我們更難達成目標。而且它背離了美國的國家本質。

“We the People."

「我們合眾國人民」。

Our Constitution begins with those three simple words, words we’ve come to recognize mean all the people, not just some; words that insist we rise and fall together. That brings me to the fourth, and maybe the most important thing I want to say tonight.

我們的憲法以這三個簡單的字開始,也是這三個詞讓我們認識到,這裡指的是所有人,而不是一部分人;這三個單字堅定地認為我們應該共進退。這就是我想說的第四點,也可能是今晚我想講的最重要的一點。

The future we want – opportunity and security for our families; a rising standard of living and a sustainable, peaceful planet for our kids – all that is within our reach. But it will only happen if we work together. It will only happen if we can have rational, constructive debates.

我們期盼的未來:每個家庭都享有機遇和安全;生活水準得以提高,以及為孩子們創造一個可持續的、和平的星球,這些都是我們可以實現的。但是,要實現這些期盼,我們必須一起努力。只有經過理性、且富有建設性的辯論,這些期盼才可能實現。

It will only happen if we fix our politics.

要實現這一期盼,我們必須解決政治問題。

A better politics doesn’t mean we have to agree on everything. This is a big country, with different regions and attitudes and interests. That’s one of our strengths, too. Our Founders distributed power between states and branches of government, and expected us to argue, just as they did, over the size and shape of government, over commerce and foreign relations, over the meaning of liberty and the imperatives of security.

更好的政治形態並不意味著意見始終統一。美國是一個大國,有不同的地區,不同的看法,不同的利益。這也是我們的優勢之一。開國先驅們將權力分配給各個州,各政府部門,希望我們像他們一樣進行辯論,探討政府的規模和形態,探討貿易和外交關係,探討自由的含義和安全的必要性。

But democracy does require basic bonds of trust between its citizens. It doesn’t work if we think the people who disagree with us are all motivated by malice, or that our political opponents are unpatriotic. Democracy grinds to a halt without a willingness to compromise; or when even basic facts are contested, and we listen only to those who agree with us. Our public life withers when only the most extreme voices get attention. Most of all, democracy breaks down when the average person feels their voice doesn’t matter; that the system is rigged in favor of the rich or the powerful or some narrow interest.

但民主確實需要公民之間的信任緩衝。如果我們認為與自己觀點相左的人都心懷惡意,或者認為我們的政敵都不愛國,那民主就無法實現。如果不願意妥協,連最基本的事實都存在爭議,而我們只聽那些贊同的聲音,那麼民主就會停滯不前。如果只有最極端的聲音受到重視,那我們的公共生活就會衰落。最重要的是,當人民大眾覺得自己的呼聲無關緊要,而整個社會體制被有錢、有權或者個別人的利益所操控時,民主就將崩潰。

Too many Americans feel that way right now. It’s one of the few regrets of my presidency – that the rancor and suspicion between the parties has gotten worse instead of better. There’s no doubt a president with the gifts of Lincoln or Roosevelt might have better bridged the divide, and I guarantee I’ll keep trying to be better so long as I hold this office.

目前,很多美國人都有這種感受。這是我總統任期內的幾件憾事之一 ,各黨派之間的積怨和猜疑並未減弱,而是變得更深。毫無疑問,如果具備林肯或羅斯福那樣的才能,可能黨派之間的嫌隙會調和得好一些,我保證,在我任職期間,我會不斷努力,爭取做到更好。

But, my fellow Americans, this cannot be my task – or any President’s – alone. There are a whole lot of folks in this chamber who would like to see more cooperation, a more elevated debate in Washington, but feel trapped by the demands of getting elected. I know; you’ve told me. And if we want a better politics, it’s not enough to just change a Congressman or a Senator or even a President; we have to change the system to reflect our better selves.

但是,美國同胞們,這不僅僅是我的責任,也不僅僅是某位總統的責任。在座的當中,有不少人期盼在更多方面相互合作,期盼在華盛頓有更高層次的辯論,但卻因為受到選舉利益的羈絆而無法做到。我知道這種情況,聽你們說過。如果我們想優化政治形態,僅換掉一個國會議員或參議員,甚至換掉一位總統是不夠的,我們必須改變整個體制,來展現更好的自己。

We have to end the practice of drawing our congressional districts so that politicians can pick their voters, and not the other way around. We have to reduce the influence of money in our politics, so that a handful of families and hidden interests can’t bankroll our elections – and if our existing approach to campaign finance can’t pass muster in the courts, we need to work together to find a real solution. We’ve got to make voting easier, not harder, and modernize it for the way we live now. And over the course of this year, I intend to travel the country to push for reforms that do.

我們要取消劃分國會選區的做法,因為劃分選區後,政客們會自己去選擇選民,而不是讓選民選擇他們。我們必須降低金錢對政治的影響,這樣就可以防止少數家族和幕後利益集團用資金影響選舉。如果關於競選資金的現行辦法未能獲得法院通過,我們就要共同努力,尋求真正的解決方案。我們要讓投票更容易,而不是更難,我們應順應現在的生活方式,使投票方式現代化。今年,我打算走遍全國,來推進這些改革。

But I can’t do these things on my own. Changes in our political process – in not just who gets elected but how they get elected – that will only happen when the American people demand it. It will depend on you. That’s what’s meant by a government of, by, and for the people.

但僅憑我一人之力,是無法做到這些的。政治進程的變革,不是改變誰當選,而是改變當選的方式。只有美國民眾要求進行變革時,變革才會發生。這是由你們決定的。這就是「民有、民治、民享政府」的真正含義。

What I’m asking for is hard. It’s easier to be cynical; to accept that change isn’t possible, and politics is hopeless, and to believe that our voices and actions don’t matter. But if we give up now, then we forsake a better future. Those with money and power will gain greater control over the decisions that could send a young soldier to war, or allow another economic disaster, or roll back the equal rights and voting rights that generations of Americans have fought, even died, to secure. As frustration grows, there will be voices urging us to fall back into tribes, to scapegoat fellow citizens who don’t look like us, or pray like us, or vote like we do, or share the same background.

我所提出的要求絕非易事。相比而言,變得憤世嫉俗,認為變革不可能發生、政治已經無藥可救,並且認定自己的呼聲和行動毫無意義,這些事情更容易做到。但是如果我們現在放棄,那我們也放棄了更加美好的未來。擁有金錢和權力的人會在更大程度上左右重大決定,可能是將年輕士兵送往前線,可能是批准會引起災難的經濟政策,也可能是為了維持控制權,駁回歷代美國人民為之奮鬥犧牲的平等權和投票權。如果這樣的倒行逆施持續下去,又會有人催促我們回到部落時代,讓那些與我們長相不同,信仰不同,選舉方式不同,背景不同的同胞當他們的替罪羊。

We can’t afford to go down that path. It won’t deliver the economy we want, or the security we want, but most of all, it contradicts everything that makes us the envy of the world.

我們不能選擇那條道路,因為路的盡頭沒有我們追求的經濟繁榮,沒有社會安定,最重要的是,無法讓我們成為如今這樣令世人羡慕的國家。

So, my fellow Americans, whatever you may believe, whether you prefer one party or no party, our collective future depends on your willingness to uphold your obligations as a citizen. To vote. To speak out. To stand up for others, especially the weak, especially the vulnerable, knowing that each of us is only here because somebody, somewhere, stood up for us. To stay active in our public life so it reflects the goodness and decency and optimism that I see in the American people every single day.

我的美國同胞們,無論你信仰什麼,無論你支持一黨制或無黨制,美國的未來掌握在你們手中,需要你們自願履行好自己作為公民的義務。你們要參與選舉;你們要敢於發聲;你們要為他人,尤其是弱勢群體,爭取權利,要清楚知道我們能在這裡就是因為有人在某個地方支持著我們。你們要積極參與公共生活,讓美國人民的善良、禮貌以及樂觀滲透每個角落,就像我每天接觸到的美國民眾一樣。

It won’t be easy. Our brand of democracy is hard. But I can promise that a year from now, when I no longer hold this office, I’ll be right there with you as a citizen – inspired by those voices of fairness and vision, of grit and good humor and kindness that have helped America travel so far. Voices that help us see ourselves not first and foremost as black or white or Asian or Latino, not as gay or straight, immigrant or native born; not as Democrats or Republicans, but as Americans first, bound by a common creed. Voices Dr. King believed would have the final word – voices of unarmed truth and unconditional love.

這並不是一件容易的事。我們的民主道路也很艱難。但是,我能保證,一年之後,我已不再是美國總統,我將和你們一樣,是一個普通的美國公民,那些曾經幫助美國前進的公平與遠見之聲、堅韌之聲,以及幽默與和善之聲,也會讓我倍受鼓舞。這些聲音告訴我們,每個人的身份,無論黑人還是白人,無論亞裔還是拉丁裔,無論性取向如何,無論是移民還是土生土長的美國人,無論是民主黨還是共和黨,我們首先都是美國人,並且有著共同的信念。用Dr. King的話來總結就是:不靠武裝發聲的真理以及無條件的愛。

They’re out there, those voices. They don’t get a lot of attention, nor do they seek it, but they are busy doing the work this country needs doing.

這些人,這些聲音一直都在。寂靜無聲,不求關注,但卻一直在為這個國家奔忙。

I see them everywhere I travel in this incredible country of ours. I see you. I know you’re there. You’re the reason why I have such incredible confidence in our future. Because I see your quiet, sturdy citizenship all the time.

在美國這片熱土上,我所到之處都能看到這麼一群美國人的身影。我看到了你們所有人,我知道你們都是其中的一員。正因為有你們,我才能如此自信于美國的未來。因為我知道一直有著默默無聞,堅定勇敢的美國公民為美國的未來奮鬥。

I see it in the worker on the assembly line who clocked extra shifts to keep his company open, and the boss who pays him higher wages to keep him on board.

有一位在裝配流水線上工作的工人,每天加班加點以確保公司正常運營,而他的老闆也會給他加薪,讓他繼續堅守職缺。

I see it in the Dreamer who stays up late to finish her science project, and the teacher who comes in early because he knows she might someday cure a disease.

有一個女孩有著自己的科學夢想,為完成科學項目徹夜不休,而她的老師會提前進教室給她上課,因為他知道,總有一天她會成功發現某種治療疾病的良方。

I see it in the American who served his time, and dreams of starting over – and the business owner who gives him that second chance. The protester determined to prove that justice matters, and the young cop walking the beat, treating everybody with respect, doing the brave, quiet work of keeping us safe.

有一位美國人服完刑期,想要重新開始,而有位老闆給了他第二次開始人生的機會;抗議者希望彰顯社會公平正義;年輕的警官在街上巡查,尊重他人,兢兢業業,默默守護我們的安全。

I see it in the soldier who gives almost everything to save his brothers, the nurse who tends to him ’til he can run a marathon, and the community that lines up to cheer him on.

有個士兵為救自己同胞不惜一切,身受重傷;有位護士悉心照料他,直至他痊癒參加馬拉松;而所在社區的人紛紛為他加油。

It’s the son who finds the courage to come out as who he is, and the father whose love for that son overrides everything he’s been taught.

有個孩子勇敢地做自己,敢於出櫃,而深愛他的父親也會放棄自己的舊觀念繼續愛他。

I see it in the elderly woman who will wait in line to cast her vote as long as she has to; the new citizen who casts his for the first time; the volunteers at the polls who believe every vote should count, because each of them in different ways know how much that precious right is worth.

有一位老婦人,只要自己還有選舉權,她都會親自排隊去投上一票;有位美國新公民第一次高興地投上自己的選票;選舉站的志願者深信每一票都很重要,因為他們都懂得這投票權的分量有多重。

That’s the America I know. That’s the country we love. Clear-eyed. Big-hearted. Optimistic that unarmed truth and unconditional love will have the final word. That’s what makes me so hopeful about our future. Because of you. I believe in you. That’s why I stand here confident that the State of our Union is strong.

這就是我所認識的美國。這就是我們熱愛著的國家。人們明辨是非,慷慨善良,並且樂觀地相信,不靠武器發聲的真理和無條件的愛必將主導這個世界。因此我才如此堅信美國的未來。因為有你們,我相信你們。因為美國的強大,我才能如此自信地站在這裡。

Thank you, God bless you, and God bless the United States of America.

謝謝,上帝保佑你們,上帝保佑美利堅合眾國。

 

原始文章來源

http://language.chinadaily.com.cn/2016-01/13/content_23074022_5.htm

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